• Paper Tiger on the prowl.

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 • Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by patrickm at 2006-03-26 06:38 PM

Imperialism will not last long because it always does evil things. It persists in grooming and supporting reactionaries in all countries who are against the people, it has forcibly seized many colonies and semi-colonies and many military bases, and it threatens the peace with atomic war. Thus, forced by imperialism to do so, more than 90 per cent of the people of the world are rising or will rise in struggle against it.

Mao Tse Tung: (September 29, 1958).


The world has changed profoundly since the 1950s, and that change is accelerating: yet when it comes to the diminishing imperial power of the last superpower not many people noticed, until recently, just how low this mighty power has fallen.  Now quite a few are noticing; but they are more often than not supporters seeking to arrest the trend and not left-wingers delighted at the progress. 


Take this example;

‘Bush and Cheney have done more than merely bungle a war and damage the Army. They have destroyed the foundation of the post-Cold War world security system, which was the accepted authority of American military power. That reputation is now gone. It cannot be restored simply by retreating from
Iraq. This does not mean that every ongoing alliance will now collapse. But they are all more vulnerable than they were before, and once we leave central Iraq, they will be weaker still. As these paper tigers start to blow in the wind, so too will America’s economic security erode.


From this point of view, the fuss over whether we were misled into war—Is the sky blue? Is the grass green?—stands in the way of a deeper debate that should start quite soon and ask this question: Now that Bush and Cheney have screwed up the only successful known model for world security under our leadership, what the devil do we do?’


James K. Galbraith teaches economics at the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas-Austin. He previously served in several positions on the staff of the U.S. Congress, including executive director of the Joint Economic Committee.


Galbraith is quite genuine he does not know what to do and he is not alone; the old foreign policy establishment warriors are all in spin.  People like Madeline Albright are being ignored and they are not happy at all.  They viscerally know that the result of applying the Bush policy for eight years is the destruction of their carefully constructed old world of ‘measured steps’ towards democracy in the Middle East.  Measured steps is their code words for actually maintaining the status quo of autocrats and rat-bags in power and impeding the progress of democracy.  They want pro US governments and unless a pro US government was to emerge (hell may freeze over first) they stand with the dictators and autocrats. 


The game is now up for the old US as it was for the British and French 50years ago when the Suez crisis, (actually a brutal if short war), demonstrated just how stupid some old imperialists could be. 


The US ruling elite (now looking every bit as doddery as Anthony Eden) are now realizing that there will be nothing left of the old policy position to even hope to rebuild from if the next President follows the same path; so a ‘mighty battle’ over who is to be President next is unfolding.  But I think it’s even worse than the old crowd imagines.  I think it doesn’t matter who is elected.  


It seems that Jupiter had no impulse of compassion when he crammed into Bush’s box all the problems that afflict the poor old imperialists; the box is open and they are out.  Opening the box a second time, won’t release the hope, sought by this discredited bunch of policy failures.  Hope was in Pandora’s Box.  


What the devil do we do?’  Go back to school that’s what.


War is the best school that the people attend, and the deaths of young soldiers make them first rate students.  Indeed the modern USA, was born in the people’s struggle over the US led war of aggression in Vietnam.

Nowadays, as a consequence, ruling elites, are kept on a fairly firm leash – by members of the ruling class itself - lest the lot of them, are done away with by an enraged populace many of whom have been already educated by earlier struggle.  The case for any war these days has got to be well made.

 

The case for the liberation of Kuwait was well made and the case for responding to Al
Qaeda by destroying the Taliban in Afghanistan was self evident.


9/11 let loose the leash and surprising results have happened.  When the Bush administration was forced by this attack to wield its political, diplomatic and military power in a strategic manner, the credibility of the ruling elite was stretched to breaking point.  They were forced to adopt a strategy that required a profound understanding of how the world works. Yet they could not shout this strategy to the world lest the Congress prevent the war or perhaps the people took some lesson and developed things further.

 

The Bush administration has found the going very tough despite the fact that in Iraq they are the side of the angels and have launched a war of liberation!  Imagine what shit they would be in if they really were (as many people imagine) actually trying to impose puppets in Iraq or expand the Israeli settlements in the West Bank!
 

They went into the war in Iraq with overwhelming support from the American people. .
But three years later, the Administration’s credibility is in tatters.  It would be just
‘spin’ to suggest that they have now built up support for a revolutionary war of intervention - rather than having lost support for a war that they had always maintained was to liberate the people of Iraq.


The Bush Administration is now both coping with the changes that have been building for the last 40 years, and demonstrating in the manner of its coping, that those changes have really happened.

 

They are in retreat but managing their retreat far better than the USSR did – due to the new and effective policy they have adopted.  The USSR had to stand by powerlessly while the world dramatically made the changes that everybody knew they had previously opposed.  Their defeat could not be hidden.

 

In contrast , the US has managed to disguise its retreat by voluntarily reversing its previous approach while at the same time  attempting to fool the world into believing that was sort of its intention all along  - even when it ‘made mistakes’. Not many in the international community are buying the spin. But it plays very well at home.

The US ruling elite must present this retreat as anything but a retreat, and they are substantially getting away with it; this can’t be helped much when there is no strong left able to point it out.


For the past 3 years we have been saying on LastSuperpower that 60 years after WW2  and having run out of all other options,  the Bush team are stuck with promoting bourgeois democracy as their only remaining policy option.

 

The fact that this is now the only policy they could follow - because any other policy would be more dangerous to their class - is still not widely understood by most people who think of themselves as progressives or “on the left”.


Of course ever since WW2, the US and its supporters have mouthed words about ‘democracy as a goal’ – even when they were actually busy installing tyrannies or keeping them in place. “This is the real world”, they say, “and though we wish it weren’t necessary, we have to take this unfortunate step in order to prevent something worse from coming to power. They used to say that this worse thing was communism and now they say Islamism.


Communists understand that eventually democracy will open the door to communism, and this is also in a certain sense understood by some of the old style US foreign policy establishment who might even think communism is dead.  These people are scared witless by what they see as the outrageous policy direction of the Bushies because they see their wealth and privilege as extracted from working people and democracy giving the lower classes greater power in the struggle to retain more of the pie.  They instinctively no that more democracy is against their interests.


Old scoundrels like Madeline Albright remind me of the even sillier old Soviet Generals. One only has to remember the absolute farce of the coup by these Soviet Generals, to get the point that by that time, the issues had ripened far beyond their control and they looked ridiculous.  After 9/11, there was no other choice really available to Bush - just as there was no real choice available to Gorbechev once things had reached the point where reform was required to prevent a complete breakdown. Glastnost and Perestroika were the desperate last policy choice after all the rest had been tried and failed


Most people who don’t have a clue about what is happening now are far too “sophisticated”. As Arthur said; Indeed many supporters of Bush (and all opponents), took it for granted that when using the terms “liberation” or “democratic government” what Bush actually meant was simply the installation of a government more "congenial" to the US.  They didn’t take Bush to be embarking on a course of action in which the Iraqi people would be free to choose their own government even if such a government was likely not to be particularly congenial to the US.  So it’s really small wonder that there is now the widespread perception that the US has actually failed in its imperialist venture rather than succeeded in carrying out its real (and only possible) policy of carrying out an orderly retreat.


Now that the US has been forced to back bourgeois democracy in the Middle East other imperialists can’t impose tyrannies and can no longer even provide much support to existing tyrannies.  All they can do is whine and talk about how terrible things are and what a mess the US is making. They cannot reverse the new US policy, nor thumb their noses and impose tyrannies themselves.  Neither could the US itself in the long term, liberate the Middle East but not fail to institute the same policy globally.
 

The French and the Germans and all the rest have no chance other than to tag along with the new policies as implemented by the US. The last superpower has now (finally) found that it must follow a policy of remaking the world in its own (bourgeois democratic) image rather than continue to stand in the way of global these developments.

 

Future wannabe powers like China will also be unable to do things in the old fashioned manner. Tyranny is finally on the chopping block world wide because bourgeois democracy is now realized  by the most far sighted members of the US ruling elite to be in the national interests of the last superpower -  and by extension all bourgeois democracies.

Until people understand that there was never even a vague possibility of the Coalition installing any form of puppet regime in Iraq, and that democracy is being established in Iraq because there was no other choice, they will not understand what is actually happening there.

 

Contrary to all the face-saving posturing and breast-beating coming from Bush et al, imperialism is in deep decay.  Realizing this is the key to grasping what is going on in the world today.

In Iraq there was no other choice because it is impossible in this century to hand back 80% of the population to a small bunch of fascist rulers, from a privileged 20% religiously determined sect. Once the Baathist army was defeated there would
be no going back, because no one would have the military capacity to put humpty together again. Nobody!


As for reversing US policy directions again; the contest for who is to be the next US president is to be fought within the ranks of the establishment over just this wider policy issue and it seems to me to be the logic of a Tweedledum and Tweedledee system in its dotage that either party could put up either type of candidate or any possible combination.


The result (if a return to the old policies candidate gets up) could only be to slow down the issue of this strategic retreat, because it can’t be undone, and that’s because it is now a process that is internal to the region; a region that is already free from being dictated to and having puppets installed.

So the direct US influence will continue to wane. Democracy is now going to unfold more or less slowly over the next decade irrespective of what the US wants. The current leadership wants it and when the time comes for the next presidential candidates to be chosen I suspect that both candidates will also want it.


Either way, the autocracies cannot hold out for very many years, once substantial progress has been made in Iraq and even more importantly a Palestinian state is established.

But in my opinion, Bush won’t deliver very much more on the second front, Palestine before he leaves office and they have never pushed this issue as hard as they ought to have, harming greatly the Iraq front in the process.  They will want to have successfully closed down the Iraq project in this Presidency and start the end game of the Israeli pull out in the next presidency.

My prediction is that the US will want to keep up sufficient pressure to get the withdrawal back to the Israeli apartheid wall and that they show that the wall is not final, by getting a few of it’s most shocking incursions undone and having it repositioned in these instances on the green line.


With deliberate foot dragging there are more than enough settlers for the Israeli government to pull out and settlements to hand over during this period, just to get them back to their rotten wall, that the real issues will be delayed that long.


After the Israeli elections there will be some very extensive pull outs of West Bank settlements unfolded bit by bit, as the Israeli Government takes unilateral measures to ‘impose a peace’.

The US will have done nothing much, in appearance because they have to save their effort for the last part of the withdrawal. They have to let the Israeli Government set the direction and take all the unavoidable early and middle steps.


If the Israeli government delays these last inevitable further pullouts they would be running the clock down on Bush, hoping to see a reversal or softening from the next administration, and Bush would be demonstrating further weakness and not any Lincolnesque pacing if at the end of his Presidency he hasn’t moved the process this far.


There are several orderly retreats in simultaneous progress in this period and all conflict with timing requirements. The US separate from the Israeli retreat; Hamas from its old non recognition stance; Fatah’s old corrupt guard being cleaned out and the organization made fit to govern again. How the combined timing works out is very much in the tea leaves.


In my view, the US should have been applying huge pressure to have had the Israeli government pulling out more settlements once Bush was re-elected and they have not.

True, the most stunningly provocative settlements, like in Hebron, simply make the settler movement look like the loonies that they are and undermines the whole failed war for greater Israel faster in the eyes of the Israeli and US public and world opinion generally, so I can understand why they would not apply pressure there.

However when one looks at the maps of the wall and the various settlements there are some areas that I would have expected to have been addressed in order to show others good intent. This shows a poor leadership unable to walk and chew gum. An alternative is that because everything is connected to everything it has to be all tackled at once but I don’t buy that.

I accept that any ruling elite making a retreat of this magnitude would not want it to appear as a defeat in the eyes of their own people or globally and that this is a very big issue for them. So naturally they have to change the perception of what the war aims have been.

The war for greater Israel is in tatters but peace is not to come from an Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank but rather from an ending of terrorism and the Zionists have to be made to wear the defeat as the US forces them to take the last steps, so that it looks like the US achieved its forty year goal of establishing a Palestinian state!

Looked at from the Israeli side, even they have to keep the most offensive settlements for now in order to convince their public that there really is no alternative but to abandon the whole failed Zionist dream.


But this thinking only goes so far.

Once public opinion has been created the steps have to be taken, and delays in one region affect issues in another so the period after the Israeli elections is crucial to determining just how good the Bush team are at applying the new policies.

 

The US isn’t capable of such an imperial task as was imagined by those that were taken in on the right and by the anti war movement; old style imperialism in general is no longer possible and we have entered a new era where the US is the last superpower.

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by tomb at 2006-03-27 10:46 PM

While the U.S. may be the last superpower I am not sure that that is the end of imperialism.

 

 

I agree with your analysis that U.S. policy has changed but I am unclear as to the underlying reasons. I believe they are economic but I do not have a fully developed analysis as to how they caused this situation. I think the U.S. policy change was flagged under Clinton and while he was definitely weak or not as committed to disposing of dictators as perhaps Bush now is (clinton didn't have 9/11 to help accelerate the process) it was in his term that pinochet and marcos etc were left out to dry. He might not have actually removed them but did not support them. This was a change in policy. (clinton on open borders is something which I think  also links in with the development of imperialism from what we previously understood)

 

 

 

The reasons for change I believe was because it was inconsistent in the first place. Imperialism  is about economic control and not necessarily political control through dictators. Australia is a good example of this. I think the need to resort to dictators was because of the cold war and the economic conditions of those countries where dictators were placed. The cold war is over and the economic conditions of some of those countries has changed.  The value of dictators could only be strategically advantageous in a political sense as it is very inefficient economically. It may suit some imperialist companies that would normally be too small or uncompetitive but it does not suit multi nationals. They do not want instability or corruption.

 

 

 

The movement to globalisation and democracies may indeed be picking up a rock in order to drop it on ones own toe, but that is the history of the economic universe to the minute. What it may signal is the end of imperialism as we knew it and the developmenrt of a different type of imperialism which represents no particular country.  If we look at the economic background then I think some of the “strategies” may be more obvious.  As always will try to get back to this.

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by arthur at 2006-03-28 03:53 AM

I like the thrust of the first part of patrick's article but want to raise some issues (briefly as I don't have time to think or write a detailed response at the moment).

I found the last part on Palestine confusing in analysis and making some very strong predictions on things that aren't clear at all. I haven't studied it closely enough to feel confident of arguing that the analysis and predictions are wrong but I doubt that patrick has studied them enough to be so confident that they are right. The actual situation is still fluid and unclear so it isn't necessarily the case that clarity and certainty could be reached as a result of further study either.

According to Patrick "Democracy is now going to unfold more or less slowly over the next decade irrespective of what the US wants."

Perhaps, but that strikes me as a "worst case scenario". As contradictory processes develop they can reach a tipping point and go through a sudden phase transition that looks very different from the appearance of slow quantiative change. This phenomena is well known in social development and in particular the history of democratic change. Its called "revolution" and it isn't predictable in detail.

In particular, when Egypt goes the region goes. An orderly transition between Fateh and Hamas in Palestine makes it very difficult to avoid free elections in Egypt (and Jordan?). When Israel is surrounded by democratic Arab states emerging from stagnation into rapid modernization, retention of the whole of jerusalem and parts of the West Bank and continued oppression of the Palestinians would look less viable very rapidly.

Israeli public opinion is very confused but its leadership are rational calculators. They understood the reason they supported keeping their neighbours backward autocracies before and it is quite likely that they understand the adjustments that they have to make when expecting a different strategic environment.

I've seen recent reports that the Syrian regime is just waiting to fall. No idea what's happening in Saudi Arabia but it isn't a problem any US administration can leave unresolved for a decade and I don't see how slow unfolding would be possible there at all.

I'm not clear on where the discussion of European imperialist powers is going. Somebody needs to tackle Africa and I would hope soon and with strong European support.

China appears to be building a blue water navy and other force projection capabilities. It isn't at all clear to me whether revolution will prevent war or war will give rise to revolution.

Patrick says:

"They went into the war in Iraq with overwhelming support from the American people. But three years later, the Administration’s credibility is in tatters. It would be just ‘spin’ to suggest that they have now built up support for a revolutionary war of intervention - rather than having lost support for a war that they had always maintained was to liberate the people of Iraq."

Not sure whether this is just a matter of wording or a political disagreement but I would argue the precise opposite.

There was overwhelming support from the American people for a quite different war that was aimed at "disarming Sadaam" - it is simply not true that "they had always maintained (the war) was to liberate the people of Iraq". In fact they actively sought to give the opposite impression and only paid the usual lip service to "freedom" until the last possible moment.

The decline in support for the war is a decline in support for the opinion leaders who framed their perception of what the war was about as well as the administration.

The remaining (smaller) support for the war is now at least in part support for the actual war - ie for liberation of the Iraqi people and region change in the teeth of determined opposition from most ruling class opinion. That sentiment has grown from near zero to a significant minority.

That should be sufficient to provoke further discussion for now.

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by arthur at 2006-03-28 04:14 AM

Concerning abandoment of settlements Patrick wrote:

"when one looks at the maps of the wall and the various settlements there are some areas that I would have expected to have been addressed in order to show others good intent."

I think the thrust of both Israeli and US policy has been to conceal any "good intent". The last thing Sharon wanted was for people to start thinking he was pulling out and the last thing Bush wanted was for people to think he was forcing Sharon to do so.

BTW when looking at maps, the Geneva accord maps are the most relevant - with even a part of the Zionist establishment being willing to agree to those maps (and in fact it is the dominant part, including the security chiefs) it is simply not possible for Israel to expect to gain more long term. Fighting for more requires national unity.

 • Geneva Acc maps Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by byork at 2006-03-28 11:31 PM

Here's a link to the Accord and maps: http://www.geneva-accord.org/Map.aspx?FolderID=34&lang=en 

 

Barry

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by DavidMc at 2006-03-29 11:07 AM

I haven’t been following the Palestine-Israel conflict close enough to be sure of much. However, there is one thing which strikes me as significant and that is the fact that the issues are now coming across more clearly out there in media land.

Until Arafat’s death (November 11, 2004) the problem was suicide bombers obstructing the “roadmap”. Then with Arafat’s death and the Gaza pullout, the average viewer of the 6 O’clock news all of sudden became aware of people called Jewish settlers.

Their continued presence in the West Bank is now perceived as the problem, while the Hamas prime minister (the very picture of sweet reason)  declares that peace is possible if Israel withdraws to the green line and recognizes the rights of Palestinian refugees.

David

 

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by youngmarxist at 2006-03-29 04:20 PM
Thiis is only an idle thought at the moment, as I am not volunteering to do the work in the short term - but it would be nice to have a guide to 'reading between the lines' for those new to studing international politics.

The first time I felt I was getting somewhere with this was in the lead-up to the invasion of Iraq in 2002-3. The split in the US ruling class between the Bushies and the Kissinger-Powell axis was quite clear to me then. I also have found my skills in this area have got a lot better in the last few months since seriously reading this site.

I realised this the other day when I was watching the Palestinian Housing Minister-Designate talk on the BBC.  Since he was commenting on the negotiations with Israel, I take it he is a factional heavy in Hamas.

The reporter was hectoring him about why Hamas would not officially recognise Israel. The Minister-Designate was refusing to say Hamas should or would do so until Israel hasd recognised 'our right to live as human beings'.

Not long ago, I would have watched this interview and interpreted this as a deadlock. Now, reading between the lines, I can see that what he was actually doing was sending signals about negotiations to the Israelis. He did not talk about war or attacks, and even though he wrapped it up in severe criticism of Israel, it was clear that he was ready to discuss.

David


 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by Lupin3 at 2006-03-29 08:20 PM
Charles Krauthammer wrote recently in the Washington Post that:

For Fukuyama to assert that I characterized it as "a virtually unqualified success" is simply breathtaking. My argument then, as now, was the necessity of this undertaking, never its ensured success. And it was necessary because, as I said, there is not a single, remotely plausible, alternative strategy for attacking the root causes of Sept. 11: "The cauldron of political oppression, religious intolerance, and social ruin in the Arab-Islamic world -- oppression transmuted and deflected by regimes with no legitimacy into virulent, murderous anti-Americanism."


This seems to me excellent support for Patrick's interpretation of the American retreat from imperialism in Iraq, echoing as it does Patrick's claim that the American political elite had recognized that far from being the worst option, the war in Iraq was the only option in a transformative grand strategy. This being true, it follows naturally that America's inability to execute that strategy through less direct action, whether by the application of so-called "soft power" or by proxy, represents a weakened American position.

I have started and started again several times to respond to this thread, but I find myself not quite understanding what is meant by positing the US as the "last superpower," and what the implications of such a position are. The concluding lines of Patrick's opening post suggest to me that superpower status and "old style imperialism" are related if not nearly synonymous, and that the impossibility of the latter precludes the continuation of the former. I think Tomb was right to raise the question of economic control as the basis of imperialism, the point of which is exploitation: I've argued in the past that continental Europe, with it's close economic ties with Saddam Hussein, better filled the role of imperialist role in this sense. One might extend Patrick's argument of a "retreat" from imperialism to describe un frappe against the old order, but that is only romanticised nonsense.

Similarly, it has always seemed to me that criticising the war as a ploy to gain control of Iraq's oil greatly missed the point of globalization. If Iraq's oil were the aim, simply allowing France and Russia to normalize Iraq's economy would reduce as much pressure on the cost of American oil as having invaded Iraq to secure it's oil fields - it would have been a much greater relief in fact, as it would not have incurred the cost of war to the US. (Ah, but this would not have lined the pockets of Cheney's cadres at Haliburton my friends would reply!) Nevertheless, simply allowing Iraq's economy to rejoin the global market greatly serves American long term interests, particularly if one allows for the possibility of a coming conflict with Iran. A democratic Iraq only reinforces this point.

Which brings us back to the questions of economic control and the fate of the last superpower. It seems to me that much of the Left has defined imperialism in such a way as to include globalism itself, as if the right of Iraqi citizens to profit by their work were somehow the diabolical seeds of American hegemony. Certainly few if any anti-war Leftists would agree to this if put to them in such a way, but does not the defence of truly exploitive arrangements with the Iraqi people (ie, deference to Hussein's claims of sovereignty and the various "wealth sharing" agreements with his regime) belie that poor piece of populist rhetoric?

Robert Kaplan, I believe, has suggested at the Atlantic Monthly (I cannot find the link since they hid their content behind a firewall) that the US now fulfills the role that Athens once filled, or dreamed of filling - as the military defence of democracy. I take Patrick's argument to be that the political options left to the US have been constrained primarily by social reasons, such as the aversion of it's citizenry to what they perceive as old-style imperialism - a citizenry which, in the last three decades, has become increasingly uncomfortable with the very essence of imperialism, nationalism. Kaplan has argued (or perhaps it was Kagan...) that the US may indeed become the first truly post-national political organization, where ideas such as citizenship have no meaning since all people everywhere have, in essence, the right to pursue their American dream. The recent demonstrations in the US against anti-illegal immigration laws, in which demonstrators exclaim their "right" to work in the US, legally or no, remind me of Kaplan's position. The liberation of Iraq can, in a shallow sense, be seen as a step in this trend, in which the US Americanizes the globe only to globalize itself, to dissolve in what comes after the need for the defence of democracy has passed.

From that perspective, the Iraq war can be seen both as a retreat and weakening of the US, and as a step in the fulfillment of the real American dream - the one it's citizens hold, of liberty and opportunity, not that dream held by it's elite of power and control. But then, as I have said elsewhere, I was until recently an unreconstructed patriot, so I may have allowed my desires to obscure my vision.

 • Meaning of "last superpower"

Posted by arthur at 2006-03-30 04:37 AM

Lots of interesting stuff in this and other threads. Naturally the site starting to pickup has to coincide with life catching up with me so I don't have time to participate much for a while!

Just a quick note on the term "last superpower". Not too much should be read into the fact it was chosen as the site name - we had to choose something.

As I recall the name was chosen after 911 and the invasion of Afghanistan, during the leadup before the Iraq war in which both sides of the "debate" were basing themselves on a widely held consensus view of the global strategic situation since the collapse of the Soviet Union (usually described as "end of the Cold War" despite a decade following the end of the Cold War and the subsequent US defeat in Vietnam during which superpower conflict was described as "detente").

With varying terminology that view described the US as the only superpower and the world therefore as "unipolar" - in contrast to the previous situation in which there were two contending superpowers and global politics revolved around them in a "bipolar" world.

On the one hand neocons emphasized that the US was the only remaining great power that could act and asserted US "leadership" extremely arrogantly. On the other hand their opponents accepted that it was the only superpower and denounced it as aiming for global hegemony and/or warned it against "imperial overeach".

In fact (as Osama bin Laden also noticed but rather overestimated), the US was in serious decline and its capacity to project power was weakened rather than strengthened by the collapse of the Soviet Union, which undermined the basis on which its "leadership" had been accepted during the bipolar period of superpower conflict.

Although the US did remain a "great power" able to seriously project power outside its region and able to dominate and coerce other "great powers" as well as minor countries, its ability to do so had been sharply reduced since Vietnam and the trend highlighted by the UN authorised Coalition that liberated Kuwait was for the US to be only able to act defensively and in accordance with emerging "international law". This meant it was still a superpower, and nobody else was, but it would be more realistic to describe it as the last superpower rather than the only superpower to emphasize that the epoch in which any single power can lord it over others was ending.

I think there was also meant to be a hint that in fact the people were ultimately the only real superpower that would be left standing and the era of superpowers was drawing to a close because the people would no longer tolerate it.

This analysis related to having earlier agreed with Mao's position identifying the Soviet Union as the main enemy on the basis that the US was in decline following Vietnam and the Soviet Union was trying to take advantage of this to engage in aggressive expansion. Collapse of the Soviet Union was seen as having happened after the US had already gone into irreversible decline and due to its internal weaknes and opposition to hegemonic and imperialist politics generally by the people of the world (as opposed to the conventional wisdom that the Soviets collapsed because the US "won the Cold War").

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by Lupin3 at 2006-03-30 10:30 AM
Arthur, thanks for the clarification. It seems I was not far off in understanding the basis of America's decline, in terms of it's being the last superpower, as due primarily to social restraint. That is, in the absence of a unifying threat (as the USSR was perceived to be in Europe but not in Vietnam) that US influence was substantially less welcome, which essentially revealed the relative weakness of the US as an imperial state. For the American leadership, the costs of defying popular opposition, both domestically and internationally, exceeded the gains that might be had by, for instance, continuing or escalating the Vietnam war. The eventual lesson of the Vietnam war particularly was that it would be necessary for the US to establish a broad international coalition, with that "legitmacy only the UN can provide," to quote Mr. Anan, in it's future military endeavors. Thus, limited in it's freedom to act despite the absence of a rival superpower, the US now appears less influential globally than it did at the height of the Cold War. The refusal of Turkey, for instance, to allow the US to use it's border as a staging area in the run up to the current Iraq war signifies a major shift in the region for the US.

It seems to me that such a perspective suggests that the US must have been stronger during the Cold War, in an era when the US had the cooperation of it's client states and allies. But isn't it an odd decision to conclude that in an era when the US was overmatched by the Soviet's conventional military (particularly during the Vietnam era to the Reagan build-up), and in which it required not only political but military support from it's sphere of influence, that it should be perceived as having been a stronger, more influential state? There are counter-examples even during the height of the Cold War to the idea that the US obtained a greater degree of support then than it does now: France, for instance, was arguably less cooperative under de Gaulle with the US than it has been under Chirac, particularly given the relative magnitudes of the confrontations.

More to the point, while US influence may have been greater with it's allies during the Cold War, it's influence in the regions allied with the Soviets was much less than it is now. Thus we have a generation of newly liberated European powers who are much less resistant to US ambitions for the Middle East, perhaps in part because the political memory of US aid during their oppression still lives, unlike say France, which maintains an historical perspective of it's liberation which is sharply at odds with it's current orientation on Iraq. And this isn't simply limited to Europe, but includes parts of Asia and the Middle East.

Too, if it is a sign of weakness that in the first Gulf War the US had to obtain the support and permission of it's various allies to invade Iraq, is it not now a contradiction of that weakness to have invaded with so little international support - not to mention, opposition?

In the end I wonder if the relative decrease in US influence amongst it's allies could not also be interpreted as a sign of strength - that, in defeating the USSR (or outlasting it, perhaps) and hence removing that great concentrator of European minds, the US has traded the "stick" of Soviet menace with the "carrot" of globalism? There is in Europe no real threat to the anglo-style capitalism the US sought to promote after world war two. Even the European Union, championed by the French as a bastion against Anglo-Saxon pragmatism, does not in any significant way challenge what has become the primary means by which the US enriches itself. Indeed, could the EU exist, or the post-nationalist movement it represents, or it's (albeit limp) attempts to "counter-balance" the US politically, without the economically and politically stabilizing presence of the US military - still in the very heart of Europe?

I think, although it is likely that the US presence will diminish in Europe, as well as Asia, in the near future, the reason for this is less the desire of America's allies to resist US imperialism than it is that the need for military aid has dissipated. But in that it is the profoundly Anglo-American project of globalization that has benefited from this change, it may well be a sign of the success of the age of American imperialism rather than it's dissolution.

In this sense, the decline of US imperialism may be an aspect of the success of American liberalism. One of the reasons people will no longer tolerate the age of superpowers (and therefore of super-imperialism) might be said to be that US and allied military strength has precluded the ability of would-be imperialists to engage in successful conquests, enabling the last superpower to dissolve itself into post-nationhood. (Some of the ideas I referenced from Robert Kaplan above, and here in predictions of a possible post-national (formerly) US military, can be found at Fort Leavenworth and the Eclipse of Nationhood at the Atlantic Monthly.)

 • Globalization

Posted by arthur at 2006-03-30 04:42 PM

Hope others take this up as I simply cannot at the moment.

One quick point - the view that globalization is a profoundly anglo-american project is to me an example of the consensus between neocon arrogance and their opponents complainng of hegemony and overeach.

The EU itself is a product of globalization - nation states used to be far more important in Europe. If anything the US lags behind with an exceptionalist view of itself as a sovereign nation state but an economy that is now the world's largest debtor nation.

Globalization is not the project of any particular nation(s).

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by Lupin3 at 2006-03-30 07:27 PM
I agree that globalization is not product of any particular nation. I agree too that the EU is the result, such as it is, of globalization. But isn't it fair to say that globalization was championed very early by liberals, and that the conditions necessary for it's development - relative political stability and economic relationships governed primarily by market dynamics - were, if not made possible, then greatly facilitated by the US and the UK?

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by tomb at 2006-04-02 06:09 AM

This is a quick reply (for me) if it is not clear or needs more detail let me know otherwise I will move on to identifying the major contradictions etc later.


Globalisation has been slowly developing even before capitalism. Capitalism  sped up the process and globalisation becomes more significant as capitalism develops and expands to more of the world. There is a quantum leap however at some point where globalisation, as a result of the growth in trade and the resultant interdependence of economies, has made it economically necessary for borders to be abolished. This is not an alternative to imperialism as imperialism is more a result of globalisation rather than the other way round. It is this abolition of borders that I think has an impact on the traditional view of imperialism

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by tomb at 2006-04-02 06:52 PM

I agree with Arthur that the answer is revolution. The end of imperialism super imperialism capitalism etc. can only come about through revolution. We however seem a bit stuck here. We don’t seem to be proposing revolutionary answers to the problems of the world. This may be because we don’t have them! The problem may be how do you find the way out if you don’t know where you are? We don’t seem that confident about the state of the world economically. We could instead be basing our analysis on the international politics as they evolve,  and this may mean we are on the back foot trying to interpret what others are doing and why they did it and indeed predicting how it will turn out (for them).


 

We don’t seem to have a view of the world at the minute that says this is where things have evolved to and this is where they are heading. Patrick has identified the end of imperialism. But does he mean that’s it for capitalism?? There is no more? I know he doesn’t mean this, but it somehow leaves me thinking "what’s next?"  I think there is more to know about the politics of multi nationals. What affect do they have on international politics?

 

 

The growth of globalisation has meant a qualative change to capitalism that has put open borders on the agenda -  as well as democracies and an emphasis on stability. This is out of economic interest and not liberal pressure etc. One might put this down to the end of the cold war but that doesn’t answer the question as to why there is such a difference between China and the Soviet Union or Germany before the 2 wars. The difference is the development of international capital and multi nationals. China may not have the same percentange of international investment that Europe or perhaps most of the world has,  but it does have  significant international investment that could undermine any attempt to de-stabilise the world.

 

 

 

We need to identify the major contradictions: who are our friends and who is our enemy? Why have we found ourselves supporting the U.S. in Iraq? (btw I support this position). 


We support the development of the underdeveloped economies and their  movement toward democraciy.  But this is basic and a given.  Why do we focus on it so much?


We have to provide the answer- and as identified that is revolution.  We need to  start talking about that. What is the situation at the moment and what are the conditions we exist under?  What is positive what is negative?  Who do we form a united front with?  Who do we isolate (and forget the psuedo’s)?


(bit of a rave there running out of time).  The major contradiction is not  with the fundamentalists or feudalism.


Will have to get back to this later

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by youngmarxist at 2006-04-03 07:52 AM
In reply to Tomb:

What's next?

I think the outstanding feature of todays advanced capitalism is that it must have intelligent workers. Even many quite menial jobs need a wide range of skills, and the amount of information that needs to be manipulated each month just keeps on growing - your wage slaves need to be quite highly-educated.

And yet many employers are emotionally stuck in bureaucratic ways of thinking. One of the most important things that I have realised in working in the private sector is that it is just as bureacratised, short-sighted, wasteful and inflexible (if not more so) than the public sector it affects to despise.

Petty dress codes, inflexible rosters, stupid procedures, responsibility-ducking bosses, hard-to-lock-down holiday time with kids and family, idea thieves, employers who wont keep the coffee full at night in a 24-7 call centre, stupid and unreasonable customers, the constant speed-up of work, bonus schemes hedged with mindless pointlessnesses that add nothing to profitability: all these things infest the life of the average white collar worker. These are people who do not physically suffer as part of their job, and actually have a good standard of living, but work is still full of annoyances that remind you that you are not in control.

And since these jobs need smart people to do them, more and more employees are realising how dull and undesireable life is in the capitalist workplace.

I think revolutionaries should be starting companies and employing people. Instead of letting them stay in their rut, we should demand that our workers start to take charge of the company. There would need to be profit in it for them.

Before long productivity would soar as the people who benefit from new ways of doing things are the ones who have the power to do things in new ways.

Then the company should aggressively conquer its market. Public figures, revolutionary Sir Richard Bransons, would arise to explain how our new high=profit workforce is here to take over.

Capitalists would scramble to do business the new way or be left behind forever with the surly staff who hide their resentment behind a mask of blandness

This cannot be the only answer, and I do not know how you stop it becoming mere syndicalism. But it would be a wonderful way to instil a spirit of personal responsibility and power in the working class.

We would ally with the smarter capitalists and isolate the ones who are emotionally incapable of adjusting to workers responsibility.

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by DavidMc at 2006-04-03 10:34 AM

In reply to youngmarxist:

You might like to look at this piece on industrial democracy and cooperatives I wrote 10 years ago.

http://home.vicnet.net.au/~dmcm/red_politics/worker.htm

There is also quite a literature on "empowering" workers. Check out Ricardo Semler.

It's a thorny issue. Capitalists would love to have more enthusiastic and creative workers. However, on the worker's part, I suspect thoughts of being more enthusiastic and creative are more likely to occur at the same time as thoughts about getting rid of capitalism.

I'm probably being a bit too cut and dried.  It's an issue worth exploring.

DavidMc

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by youngmarxist at 2006-04-03 08:33 PM
I own Semmler's 'Maverick', so I get where he is coming from.

My experience in private sector call centres over the last five years tells me that you are wrong when you say:

"However, on the worker's part, I suspect thoughts of being more enthusiastic and creative are more likely to occur at the same time as thoughts about getting rid of capitalism."

Let me tell you about the maps.

Part of my current job (which I leave on Friday, hooray!) is to answer white pages directory assistance calls.

Since not long after I started, I was talking notes on which suburbs were the most commonly requested.

I ended up tracing maps of Sydney and Melbourne out and marking the common suburbs as a guide to help me do my job better (the idea of maps came from a workmate)

Now at this workplace - which pays a low $15.00 per hour, only recently up from $14.50 - at least fifteen different people came up to me, started asking what I was doing, and expressed some sort of interest or opinion.

That's fifteen people in a battery-hen job at low pay where we have no real dignity or control. Even in those conditions, fifteen people were interested enough in the world around them at work to say something. I haven't counted, but this place has something like 50 actual seats and maybe 110 call-taking staff.

15 interested peopele out of 110 is not a bad core group to start working with.


Workers don't mind that they are wage slaves, in my opinion. What they mind is being badly treated by their masters. Capitalism under better masters, with less demands made on we wage slaves would, in my opinion, make many people more enthusiastic.

That does not mean that we can not lead workers in general towards wanting to really take over, as opposed to demanding more of a cake. (Who said 'Don't want more bread, We want the bakery!'?)

But we will eventually be competing with the smart capitalists, and they might even be willing to sacrifice their humiliating, petty authority for the good of their own profits. It would be risky to assume they wont. And if they do, a motivated workforce will be an advantage to them.

 

 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by youngmarxist at 2006-04-03 08:46 PM
And have just re-read your article. I particularly liked the idea at the very end of rebellion by surly but stupid slaves being no basis for radical reform.

Yes, there is a danger that this just turns into co-option or even Owenism. Semco is a capitalist business, not a socialist one. But as you imply, if there is a successful revolution then we will need a working class that is used to takng charge of things and making them work. This is vital pre-revolutionary work that we can plan in our day.

I think the risk is worth taking.

I do not think we should set up workers co-operatives, I think we should set up capitalist businesses, start employing people as regular wage slaves and then demand they start to take responsibility.

I think that workers co-operatives will employ a self-selecting elite of the highly aware working class, while what we need to do is to see what works in goading the mass of ordinary people into a sense of responsibility.


 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by tomb at 2006-04-03 11:00 PM
There are a number of instances where there has been worker buy-outs and to the minute I am not aware of any of them being particularly successful. The fact that they bought out a dud business may have something to do with it. (modern Maid in Australia is one example)

Multi-Nationals are big on teamwork and it was effective when first introduced, but has flattened out since. This was introduced to break down the barriers between workers and bosses and to give some "ownership" to the shop floor in order to motivate workers and raise productivity. In the short term it did but when the novelty wore off  so did the productivity rises.  At the end of the day what is the incentive for the wage slave?  We know the incentive for the capitalist.

 
I think the lack of responsibilty is a problem, particularly in taking the political freedoms available. People just don't make use of the freedoms they have because they don't want the responsibilty and this may be connected to their reluctance to take responsibilty in the workplace (chicken or egg). However I am not clear about the dynamic involved here. If WE have a business and insist workers take responsibility for our profits why would they do it?

I am not sure you can make workers take responsibilty because you are a nice capitalist. One of the problems with capitalism is the dynamic.  The dynamic is that workers oppose capitalists (for good reason and we want them to be confidant enough to overthrow the capitalists). This means confidant enough to run things, but they already do that! (even if it is incredibly inefficient and lacking motivation.) Are we talking about a dry run before we change the system. Can you have a dry run within the existing system that would be meaningful for any new system? I think unfortunately not.


The major problem I think is not particularly a micro one but rather a macro problem. The micro is affected by the macro and it is only a change in the macro that will allow real change in the micro. (I agree with what you are saying about responsibilty and motivation in the workplace and also about the incredible inefficiency, just not sure if it can be solved within the system as I see it as a system fault)


 • Re: Paper Tiger on the prowl.

Posted by youngmarxist at 2006-04-03 11:27 PM
Well the companies that I have worked in employed people who would have been willing to start taking responsibility if only management bothered to think they were worth actually takng on board.

Workers are no-where near as advanced as you seem to think. By and large they do NOT have a vision of overthrowing capitalism. There are good bosses and bad bosses, and people work better for bosses who have their personal respect.

There is simply no critique of wage-labour as such in the white collar call centre working class where I have earned most of my pay. People do NOT feel there is anything illegitimate about working for a wage.

But people do want to have pride in their work. A capitalist who acknowledges and uses that fact is going to have a better, more motivated workforce, than one who ignores it. There is ample scope for capitalists to ameiliorate their system by giving more responsibility (and profit share in a larger cake) to workers.

However our half-capitalist excersise would be a planned programme where we start with people who think they have got a normal job. But we start making it part of their job description that they shall make more decisions than the average person. Start pushing them to assume responsibility. Actively promote people who think and act that way. Eventually enter into some sort of 'workers-buy-out' so that it becomes their company

This is not the same as being a nice capitalist. This is trying to uncover techniques that will make people more likely to want to take charge. Once people have tasted power in the new style of company, the expectations of the workforce in general will change. The goal is to push people into power that you cannot take away from them, even if you want to. That is the difference between liberators and good masters

You are right to say that workers control, even genuine workers control, is not going to guarantee commercial success. The company will have to have the right service at the right price and will have to be able to become first or second in its market or niche. The rules of business success will not magically become null and void just because we start to see companies that workers are really running.